| Course | HLTH 8247 Social Psychology |
|---|---|
| Week | Week 11 |
| Paper type | Applied social psychology paper |
| Length | About 1,220 words, 7 pages |
| Format | APA 7 student paper |
| School | Walden University |
| Program | PhD in Public Health |
| Updated | October 2026 |
Free sample paper for HLTH 8247 Week 11
Hub Scrubbing Looks Excellent When the Auditor Is in the Corridor: An Applied Social Psychology Paper Explaining a Gap Between Audited Compliance and Disinfecting Cap Use Through Observer Presence, Visible Norms and Managers' Attributions, and Where That Explanation Runs Out
Student Name
Walden University
HLTH 8247: Social Psychology
Instructor Name
Month Day, Year
Hub Scrubbing Looks Excellent When the Auditor Is in the Corridor: An Applied Social Psychology Paper Explaining a Gap Between Audited Compliance and Disinfecting Cap Use Through Observer Presence, Visible Norms and Managers' Attributions, and Where That Explanation Runs Out
The Pattern
On a 28-bed medical unit, a composite built for this paper, nurses are expected to disinfect the access hub of every central venous catheter before each use, either by scrubbing it with an alcohol pad or by placing a disinfecting cap that covers the hub between uses. National guidance recommends cleaning catheter access ports with an appropriate antiseptic before accessing them (O'Grady et al., 2011). The unit's infection prevention team audits the practice by direct observation: an auditor stands in the corridor for two-hour blocks, watches line access and records compliance. Audited compliance has run between 94% and 98% for a year. At the same time, the supply system tracks disinfecting caps issued to the unit. Cap use per central line day falls by almost half on days and shifts when no audit is scheduled, and is lowest on nights and weekends. The unit's line infection rate, while low, has not fallen.
This paper explains the gap with three ideas from social psychology: the effect of being observed, the norms that each setting makes visible, and the attributions managers make when they see the audit numbers. It then sets out where the explanation runs out.
Explanation 1: The Presence of an Observer
The simplest explanation is that nurses perform the practice more reliably when they know they are being watched. The term Hawthorne effect is often used for this, though a systematic review concluded that the evidence for a general Hawthorne effect is heterogeneous and that the term covers many different research participation effects (McCambridge et al., 2014). More specific evidence comes from a study that used an electronic location system to track hand hygiene events and auditors' movements over eight months. Dispensers within sight of an auditor were used about 3.75 times per hour, compared with 1.48 times per hour for dispensers out of the auditor's sight at the same time, and 1.07 times per hour for the same dispensers in the week before (Srigley et al., 2014). The behavior in that study was different, but the mechanism is the same: the auditor's presence raised the rate of a hygiene practice in the immediate area.
Zajonc (1965) proposed that the presence of others increases arousal, which strengthens well-learned responses. For a nurse who knows the hub protocol, an observer's presence may make the correct sequence more likely to run on time. When the observer leaves, competing demands, a call light, a late medication, a family question, return to the front of attention, and a step that takes fifteen seconds is easier to skip.
Explanation 2: The Norms Each Room Makes Visible
Observation does more than add pressure. It changes what the norm looks like. Cialdini et al. (1990) proposed a focus theory of normative conduct: people act in line with a norm when it is salient, and descriptive norms (what others do) and injunctive norms (what others approve) can point in different directions. During an audit, the injunctive norm is unmistakable, since the auditor's clipboard signals that hub scrubbing is required and noticed. The descriptive norm is also favorable, because every nurse in the corridor is scrubbing.
On a night shift without an audit, the injunctive norm is still written in policy, but it is not salient. The descriptive norm may be less favorable: if a nurse sees a colleague access a line without a cap and nothing happens, the visible norm becomes that skipping is common and tolerated. Each nurse who skips makes skipping a little more visible to the next. The focus theory predicts that behavior will follow whichever norm is in focus, and on nights it may be the descriptive one.
Explanation 3: Managers' Attributions
The third idea concerns how the unit's leaders read the numbers. Managers see audit results of 94% to 98% and conclude that the nurses are compliant and the practice is embedded. When cap use data or an infection suggests otherwise, the explanation offered tends to be about individuals: a few careless nurses, or agency staff who do not know the unit. Ross (1977) described the tendency to attribute behavior to people's dispositions while underestimating the situation. The managers' attribution leads them to remedies aimed at individuals, such as reminders to specific staff, rather than at the situation that produces the gap: an audit design that measures behavior only when it is observed, and a night shift with fewer staff and more interruptions.
Where the Explanation Runs Out
The three explanations fit the pattern, but each has limits, and together they cannot account for everything.
First, cap use is an indirect measure. Caps are issued to the unit, not to individual lines, and supply counts can be affected by stocking practices, waste and caps taken to other units. A fall in caps issued on unaudited days may partly reflect when stock is replenished rather than how often caps are used. Before relying on the gap, the unit should check whether supply delivery follows the audit schedule.
Second, the hand hygiene study measured a different behavior, with a different measurement system. Its finding supports the idea that observation raises compliance, but the size of the effect for hub disinfection may differ. Hub access is less frequent, more deliberate and often done inside patient rooms where corridor auditors cannot see.
Third, alcohol scrubbing is an alternative to caps. Nurses who scrub hubs with alcohol pads rather than placing caps would lower cap counts without lowering compliance. The supply data cannot distinguish a nurse who scrubbed correctly from one who did nothing.
Fourth, the explanations overlap. Observer presence, salient norms and staffing levels all change together between audited day shifts and unaudited nights, so this paper cannot say how much each contributes. A design that separated them, for example unannounced audits on nights, would be needed.
Fifth, the explanation says nothing about whether the gap matters clinically. The unit's infection rate is low, and other protections, such as chlorhexidine dressings and line removal when no longer needed, may compensate. The paper explains a measurement gap; it does not show harm.
What the Unit Could Do
The explanation suggests changes that target the situation rather than individuals. Audits could be unannounced and spread across all shifts, so that measured compliance reflects typical practice. Caps could be stocked at every bedside, attached to each line's tubing, so that the correct choice is also the easiest one. Feedback could report the descriptive norm truthfully, showing nurses the share of lines found capped on random checks across all shifts. And managers could treat the gap as a property of the unit's systems, not of particular nurses.
Conclusion
The gap between audited compliance and cap use is consistent with three established ideas: people act differently when observed, they follow the norms that are salient in the moment, and leaders tend to explain shortfalls by individuals rather than situations. Each idea points to a practical change. But the evidence is indirect, the explanations cannot be separated with the current data, and the clinical importance of the gap is unknown. The most useful next step is better measurement.
References
Cialdini, R. B., Reno, R. R., & Kallgren, C. A. (1990). A focus theory of normative conduct: Recycling the concept of norms to reduce littering in public places. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 58(6), 1015-1026. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.58.6.1015
McCambridge, J., Witton, J., & Elbourne, D. R. (2014). Systematic review of the Hawthorne effect: New concepts are needed to study research participation effects. Journal of Clinical Epidemiology, 67(3), 267-277. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclinepi.2013.08.015
O'Grady, N. P., Alexander, M., Burns, L. A., Dellinger, E. P., Garland, J., Heard, S. O., Lipsett, P. A., Masur, H., Mermel, L. A., Pearson, M. L., Raad, I. I., Randolph, A. G., Rupp, M. E., Saint, S., & Healthcare Infection Control Practices Advisory Committee. (2011). Guidelines for the prevention of intravascular catheter-related infections. Clinical Infectious Diseases, 52(9), e162-e193. https://doi.org/10.1093/cid/cir257
Ross, L. (1977). The intuitive psychologist and his shortcomings: Distortions in the attribution process. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 10, 173-220. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0065-2601(08)60357-3
Srigley, J. A., Furness, C. D., Baker, G. R., & Gardam, M. (2014). Quantification of the Hawthorne effect in hand hygiene compliance monitoring using an electronic monitoring system: A retrospective cohort study. BMJ Quality & Safety, 23(12), 974-980. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjqs-2014-003080
Zajonc, R. B. (1965). Social facilitation. Science, 149(3681), 269-274. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.149.3681.269
Reading the HLTH 8247 Week 11 instructions
The final paper asks students to explain a real or composite health care pattern using several social psychology concepts from the course, and to state the limits of that explanation. Faculty expect a small number of concepts, each tied to a specific feature of the situation and supported by evidence. The limits section carries real weight: it should identify weaknesses in the measures, gaps between the research settings and the case, and questions the explanation cannot answer. Recommendations should follow from the explanation. Eight to ten pages in total is common. Turning the course's concepts on the people who interpret the data, as well as on frontline staff, earns credit.
Inside the HLTH 8247 Week 11 example
The opening describes the unit, the hub practice and guidance from O'Grady and colleagues, the audited rates and the cap data. The first explanation cites McCambridge and colleagues on the Hawthorne label, Srigley and colleagues' location-tracking study and Zajonc on social facilitation. The second applies Cialdini and colleagues' focus theory to injunctive and descriptive norms during audits and on nights. The third applies Ross to managers' readings of the numbers. The limits section lists five problems: cap counts as an indirect measure, a different behavior in the cited study, alcohol scrubbing as an alternative, overlapping explanations and unknown clinical importance. Recommendations cover unannounced audits, caps at the bedside, truthful norm feedback and system-level framing, and the conclusion names better measurement as the next step.
Reading the HLTH 8247 Week 11 rubric
Applied papers are graded on fit and honesty. A paper that names many concepts loosely, or claims the explanation is proven, earns middle marks. The rubric rewards a few concepts, each tied to a feature of the case with evidence, and a limits section that takes the measures and the research gaps seriously. Faculty value turning course concepts on the people interpreting the data, not only on frontline staff. Recommendations should follow from the explanation and target the situation. A final paper that ends by naming what would settle the question shows mature judgment. Faculty also notice whether the limits section changes the conclusion. A strong paper says plainly which recommendations survive the limits and which wait on better measurement. Naming the study that would settle the question is a good way to end.
HLTH 8247 Week 11 help from the desk
Final applied papers often stack every concept from the course onto one case, thinning the argument. Others present a tidy explanation and leave limits to a closing paragraph. Some recommend more training for staff even when the explanation points to the audit design. To write a stronger paper, choose two or three concepts that each map onto a specific feature of the situation. Support each with a study and note how that study differs from your case. Give the limits a full section. Recommend changes to the situation the concepts point to. Say what better measurement would show. An applied paper on a pattern from your own workplace can be drafted for you.
Get a HLTH 8247 Week 11 example written to your instructions
For the closing paper, send the prompt, the rubric, your page limit and the situation you chose, with identifying details removed. What you get back explains it through a few well-sourced processes, treats observers' attributions as part of the situation and gives its limits a full section. No real hospital stands behind the ward. Allow 24 to 48 hours; the first is free.
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HLTH 8247 Week 11 questions, answered
How many constructs should a final applied paper use?
As few as the situation requires. The sample uses three processes, audience effects, visible norms and managers' attributions, because each maps onto a specific feature of the ward. Adding more constructs usually thins the argument, since each needs its own source and its own link to the setting. Your rubric may name required concepts; beyond those, depth tends to outscore breadth.
Why is the limits section so long?
Because at the end of this course the limits carry weight of their own. The constructs came largely from controlled studies, the unit's measures each have known weaknesses, and a single ward cannot show how widely the pattern holds. Stating those plainly, with what evidence would address each, is what the rubric's highest criteria usually describe, and it is where many otherwise solid papers stop short.
Is direct observation a flawed measure, then?
It measures behavior under observation, which is a real quantity but not the same as routine behavior. The sample treats the audit gap as partly an artifact of the audit itself and says so in the situation section. That is not an argument for abandoning audits; it is a reason to pair them with an unobtrusive measure and to interpret each with its known bias.
Where can I find a free HLTH 8247 Week 11 sample paper?
Read the full Week 11 applied paper for HLTH 8247 here; it explains an audit gap in central line hub disinfection through observer presence, visible norms and managers' attributions, with six references.
What evidence supports the observer explanation?
A study that tracked hygiene events and auditors electronically found about 3.75 events per dispenser per hour within auditors' sight, against 1.48 at dispensers out of sight at the same time and 1.07 the week before.